This letter, which we then has been published in rebellion.
http://www.rebelion.org/noticia.php?id=118412
Greetings
José
Miguel
(As a premise, it is difficult to translate the first part of the title of this article. It is a slogan of the last French movement against the regressive reform of the pension system imposed by Sarkozy. This is an untranslatable play on words around the term "lutte" that can be a verb or a noun. So "Je lutte of classes" means "I struggle of classes" or "I class struggle." One possible interpretation among many, is that in one case, the subject is assumed to be the subject of class struggle, on the other, as a subject divided by the class struggle itself.)
Open Letter to Salvador López Arnal
Dear Salvador: I do not think there is anything that so take it to the tremendous, so personally and passionately. I do not think that you should feel disgraced by my words, not have to threaten to move in one of your mysterious "edges." It is better to consider calmly and mutual benevolence some of the reasons for the tremendous impotence of the traditional left to the crisis and the onslaught of ongoing capital. This really is serious stuff, not the good or the bad name of one or another organization. An organization is a political instrument, a good communist organization a good instrument of class struggle for communism. Poor organization by contrast, is an organization unable to act on the reality found prey to internal and external fabric of relationships and interests that are neutralized or even serve to contravene the supposed causes persecution.
This tissue of interest and relationships are expressed in a particular ideological discourse. In the case that concerns us, I mean the ideological discourse that I call "work." Perhaps the term is not very well chosen, and is almost an Italian, but I think that is well understood that designates the central character played by "work" (Latin for "work") and the identity and dignity of the worker thinking and practice of some organizations and, more specifically, at least in Western Europe,
organizations mainstream political and trade union claiming to represent the working class.
These and no other organizations are the famous "social democrats and Stalinists Eurocommunists." For all the work is unsurpassable horizon of the human condition, to the extent that
its fundamental claim is, at this stage, the establishment of full employment and recovery of the welfare state. The fact that the emphasis on these two issues has not prevented at least the dismantling of the welfare state and the massive loss of jobs should have been left to reflect on this, but these facts do not seem to upset her stubborn. happens that, although this type of union and political organizations could obtain significant gains in the dual situation of Fordism / Keynesianism and the Cold War, today, once settled the "socialist" and Fordist modes of regulation and Keynesian The collective representation of the work has been simply impossible. Today, what we found is not a factory worker with a permanent contract and a collectively bargained rights framework and recognized by a state regulator and planner, a worker who works with a time of work and a workplace defined, but with a burst of work and forms of contractualism: the unemployed, the pizza delivery worker or "call center, "the worker" flexible "of the ETT, the growing number of workers" affected "caring for the elderly, sick, etc, social workers, the portals types of intellectual work from video game producers whose hours of work / play no limit to researchers or academics funded directly by the capital, or even the very air traffic controllers or conference interpreters. All this, without forgetting the fundamental category of workers in a "society of spectacle" are artists and other workers in the show. The representation of this reality is not accessible to the traditional organizations, more or less succeeded in a very precise moment represent the abstract and negotiate the welfare state is that it is simply impossible. The work does not follow the units place, time and courage that defined him before, but has become an increasingly widespread activity, a productive activity every time and place, a real social work. This does not mean that there is no class struggle, but today less than ever can be represented this class struggle as a clash between two sides already in existence. As stated Louis Althusser,
"class struggle is before classes" and constituted and reproduced as such.
We have to leave the football metaphor of the two existing factions. One divides into two (or more). Today the class struggle through macrophysical at the whole society and microphysical level all its molecules and atoms: from political organizations and other state apparatus to individuals and their relationships. Various categories of workers are so very different scenarios forms of class struggle can not be represented in a unified way, though, if the fight against capitalism, should find ways of horizontal articulation we have not yet been developed. Before the discovery of the labor movement basic weapon, the strike took decades to find and name it as a consistent practice, before he was tempted to break the machine or kill the bosses.
Today, we face a similar stage to those initial moments of the industrial working class: we must invent new forms of resistance to articulate the forces necessary to block the entire diffuse social production, since traditional strike, except in countries where the industrial working class has a great weight as China or Germany, is remembered as cynically
Sarkozy"invisible." Only the universal general strike, a metropolitan strike blocking the flow of communication and transportation can be visible and harmful to the capital. Today
not think I have much appeal to eco factory work as an element of dignity of any individual in our society, insisting, for example, as you do in
your article on the drivers
published in Rebellion, in "When workers go on strike they do not work but to do so with dignity. Aspiring to be treated as human beings, not as parts of a machine evil and unjust." For many, it is no longer being exploited (working) in a "dignified" or "human" but not to work under an employer (or state) and for capital. Diffuse social work has the advantage of showing millions of people daily to perfect uselessness of productive capital and its state. The capital is now entirely parasitic and the state is a limit to the capital, but the last of their strongholds. Hence, the current revival of Marx-Kantian neo-socialist discourse of upholding the rule of law as a defender of society against the capital can only lead to an impasse. The limit of "Labour" is its inability to think the latent desire for communism in our societies, because they always have to transcribe it into categories "socialist" state management fixed capital (capital invested in means of production except labor force) and variable (capital invested in labor force: the only commodity that generates new value or goodwill). Not pay out the horizon, claims related to employment (at least in the CES as unions CCOO and UGT) growth, is prohibited from condemning himself and others out any prospect of wage status of class society and the state. So, to start naming names, as I asked, Izquierda Unida, respectively defends its in your
program
the last European elections and its the program 2008 general full employment and growth (sustainable): "For IU, also at the decision of the European institutions, policies that encourage job creation are fundamental objective "(European)," The objectives of monetary policy should be expanded, including with price stability, growth and full employment, quality insurance. " (General). These goals, "Labour" coincides with the PSOE in its 2008 election program says something today as surreal as the following: bring our economy full employment and improve job quality and stability, wage growth, equality at work and reconciling work and family life. " With these objectives is difficult if not impossible, to come into contact with new types of worker integrated into the "diffuse social work." The objectives of these workers are not full, they know can not and do not consider desirable, but an independent citizen's income any provision
's employment, free access common to production, which is the other name-communist freedom to undertake an effective, free access to public goods such as health and education and progressive social management of these assets outside the capital and the state.
All are targets
transition to a society without classes and wage slavery.
None of them is set in the programs of the Labour left. In other words, to quote the manifesto: "The Communists have no game." I do not think that today the party is useful or necessary, it is too tied to the logic of representation. We have to think about something else: I cordially invite you to do so. A hug John Brown
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